Corruption is the enemy

The health of a democracy can be judged by the extent of the corruption it permits. If statistics are anything to go by, then South Africa is not in a terrible shape, enjoying a mid-table standing in most international corruption indexes. Alas, chances are that after recent events, South Africa’s ranking will drop.

Corruption weakens our young democracy, especially as the ruling party does not face an electoral threat. The conduct of some parliamentarians accused of abusing the travel voucher system testifies to an expectation of impunity, which in turn undermines public confidence in an institution that by its nature should engender trust.

The Church Against Corruption campaign, which was launched earlier this year, warned that corruption could entrench itself as part of our culture.

“Corruption threatens the integrity of young minds, and forms the basis for a new form of oppression,” it said in a February statement.

Such dishonesty is indeed becoming pervasive in this country, well intentioned legislation and woefully underfunded anti-corruption programmes notwithstanding. A 2003 corruption assessment conducted by the United Nations found that 62% of South African companies agreed that “bribery is becoming an accepted business practice”.

Most instances of corruption take place well out of the public eye; in local and provincial politics, or in the public service. In some instances, such as nepotism or conflicts of interest in the award of a public tender, many perpetrators claim to discern no ethical anomaly and their political principals are not always exercising the requisite discipline.

To wit, earlier this month, the African National Congress secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe told reporters that his party would not force its MPs accused of abusing travel vouchers to cooperate with the investigation into these abuses.

The ANC cannot ask for the law to take its course when it virtually impedes investigation.

The government denies that corruption is any worse now than it was in the past, and contends that parliament’s greater transparency has allowed light to be shed on impropriety.

Indeed, various ANC stalwarts, such as Allan Boesak, Tony Yengeni and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, have been tried for corruption. South Africa’s anti-corruption legislation is admirable even though its implementation leaves much to be desired.

However, transparency must be accompanied by accountability. Public servants, including members of parliament, are being paid by the taxpayer. They are therefore answerable not just to their political parties, but also to the public. Public office and the civil service must not be seen as places of self-aggrandisement, neither by officials nor by the public.

All state-funded bodies must oppose corruption. Far from dismissing or discrediting whistleblowers (or indeed investigators and prosecutors), these should be encouraged and commended.

The challenge posed by the Churches Against Corruption campaign must be heard loud and clear throughout South Africa: “We call on all men and women of integrity to stand firm and not to give in to the temptation of corruption and easy money. Rather, together let us fight corruption, courageously report it, speak out publicly against it, and blow the whistle on corruption wherever it occurs.”